In a recent Czech public opinion poll, ordinary citizens declared President Petr Pavel to be the true leader of the opposition, thereby revealing the insignificance of formal opposition parties and their "non-leaders." Commentator Petr Holec analyzes the results of the survey, Ivan Bartoš's speech at Prague Pride, Pavel's past as a spy from the Cold War era, and explains why the opposition is only offering empty counter-campaigns. A must-read for anyone following European politics, populism, and power struggles in Central Europe.
Wednesday evening in the Czech Republic just became much more interesting. In his latest weekly live commentary, the witty political analyst Petr Holec energetically criticized the political reality in the country: the people have spoken, and President Petr Pavel can no longer hide. According to a recent survey by NMS agency, ordinary Czechs consider the head of state himself to be the true leader of the opposition. At the same time, they consider the official opposition to be essentially useless – it does not fulfill its role and is so forgettable that many citizens cannot even name its leaders.
"It's out there, so it's official," Petr Holec declared at the beginning. "The leader of the opposition is President Petr Pavel." Now it is publicly known. Even Mikuláš Minář, the head of the "treasurers," no longer has to hide this. The same survey delivered an even harsher verdict on the opposition parties: they are "essentially useless." With a "group of absolute non-leaders," it's not surprising that the public barely knows who they are.
This poll is like a political earthquake in a country still grappling with post-communist transformation, EU green policies, and sharp divisions between Prague elites and the rest of the nation. For a global audience watching democratic fatigue, alienation of elites, and the rise of anti-system sentiments across Europe and beyond, Holec's analysis offers a vivid case study.
Petr Holec focused on recent images from the Prague event Prague Pride – which he deliberately refused to call a pride parade, instead labeling it a "festival of decadence." As he noted, it must be acknowledged that politicians were present, and the entire opposition now seems to be "healing at Prague Pride." This event refreshed the public's memory in the most unpleasant way. There was Ivan Bartoš – nicknamed "Kratom Bartoš" in Holec's sarcastic style – a man who once held the positions of Deputy Prime Minister for Digitalization, Minister for Regional Development, and Chairman of the ruling party.
```“It looks like something out of a bad fiction,” said Petr Holec, highlighting the disbelief that someone with such power could have existed. Ivan Bartoš and the Pirates presented themselves as tech-savvy digital natives – “The internet is our ocean.” However, their flagship project, the digitalization of building permits, became an expensive failure with “billion-dollar losses.” The irony is obvious: the Pirates once campaigned for material responsibility from politicians and even floated the idea of a “political bus” for political opponents. Petr Holec jokingly remarked that if Ivan Bartoš were even slightly consistent, he would have gotten on that bus himself for the botched digitalization. Instead, the thought of a possible return to power is unsettling. “Thank God it’s behind us,” pondered Petr Holec – thankfully, we've moved past this –, but also warned that the risk of a comeback remains real, especially in Prague.
The core of the commentary revolves around Czech President Petr Pavel. The president has been denying for months that he represents the opposition, even though he criticizes the government, promotes opposition themes, and dominates the media discourse through friendly media outlets. The poll only confirms what his actions have already suggested. Petr Holec delved into Pavel's past with the help of memories from his former colleague, Pavel Beneš. During the Cold War, they underwent training as officers in military intelligence, lived in clandestine apartments under aliases (Pavel as “agent Pávek”), used fake documents, and honed their skills in “error elimination” to ensure they could never be exposed and could quickly disappear from any operation. Petr Pavel was intended for deep penetration into NATO's support structures, preferably in France.
Even his own comrades concluded that he “wasn't ready.” Holec’s verdict is damning: “Petr Pavel will never change. That shaped him, and he will die with it.” He has not matured. By acting as a leader of the opposition while denying it, he essentially “exposed” himself – exactly as an old training manual had warned. The same man who once defended the Soviet occupation of his own country is now associating with dissidents, Charter 77 signatories, and nobility. “He wouldn't even find that strange because he knows everything will be forgiven for him,” noted Petr Holec. Everything will be forgiven for him. This impunity, combined with consistently high public support and a lack of a clear, strong opponent for a potential second term, represents a real danger.
Petr Holec also pointed out the shift in stance of advisor to the Prague Castle Petr Kolář. Under former President Miloš Zeman, Petr Kolář loudly insisted that the Czech Republic was not a presidential system and that the head of state should adhere to their constitutional framework. Now, from within Prague Castle, the rhetoric has reversed: under certain circumstances, the president could dismiss a minister or even the prime minister.
```htmlAccording to a survey and according to Petr Holec, the deeper failure of the opposition lies in its intellectual and programmatic emptiness. Due to a lack of original ideas, they resort to a purely negative campaign – "anti-Babiš, anti-Macinka, anti-Turek". Citizens do not want endless "anti-this" and "anti-that". They want concrete, better proposals. "When you don't have anything of your own to offer people and voters, you simply go with the 'anti' approach," noted Petr Holec. Three years after the elections, the non-leaders remain trapped in this contradiction: they claim not to be conducting purely negative campaigns, but as soon as they open their mouths, only "anti" sentiments come out.
The broader goals included the actual mechanism of the Green Deal. This is not about free money from "funds." Companies, especially in industry and energy, pay for emission allowances; the dirtier the industry, the higher the costs. The EU then redistributes these funds, often to restrictive measures that weaken Czech strengths. Given that industry accounts for approximately 30% of GDP and the automotive industry is around 10% – which are among the highest percentages in the world – the damage is concrete: higher production costs, losses, and layoffs. Petr Holec praised the efforts of individuals such as Filip Turek, to regain some control, limit unwanted wind projects, and redirect resources to actual energy and industrial needs, while criticizing previous proponents of a hard-line green approach.
Finally, he issued a broader warning against entrenched networks – non-governmental organizations, "experts" dependent on subsidies, and administrative levels that survive even after the terms of elected governments expire. Breaking such a system requires sustained pressure lasting longer than one electoral term. A quick return of previous coalition partners could simply restore the old order.
Holc's stream is a raw, subjective, and uncompromising Czech political drama aimed at people tired of polished emptiness. For ordinary citizens and political observers around the world, the message is clear and energetic: public opinion polls can break narratives. When the president becomes the leader of the opposition in the eyes of the public, when former digital agenda ministers embody failure on Prague Pride, and when training manuals from the Cold War era still seem relevant to modern denial, a fundamental shift occurs. People have done their calculations. The opposition has been evaluated – and found wanting. Pavel can no longer lie about the role he is already playing.
gnews.cz
You can watch the entire video (in Czech) here:
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