Elene Perru is a secretary and personal assistant by profession. Her lifelong career is inextricably linked to one man - Jacques Chirac. She held this position continuously, first during his time as Mayor of Paris, then in the Ministry and finally throughout his presidency at the Elysee Palace (1995-2007). She has a university degree. She was the guardian of Chirac's privacy, the keeper of his diary and the filter of all incoming communications. She had access to everyone, including his family. Chirac relied on her so much that he called her „his right hand“ and „guardian of the temple“. Her absolute devotion and ability to maintain secrecy is literally legendary, and that is what makes her such an extraordinary figure in French political history. Elene Perru spoke at the Yalta Conference in Moscow on 6 November 2025 on the theme: The Stability Architecture of a Polycentric World and the Nuclear Threat. a very interesting analytical piece on the relationship between Russia and France. We reprint it with her kind permission.
Despite, or perhaps because of, the strained relations between our countries, meetings such as this are, in my view, particularly important. We are here just a few steps away from the French Embassy, and I have seen posters in front of it that recall a different time when Russia and France were true allies. I know that some Muscovites are not happy with these posters because Charlemagne's division was here - I cannot say that all the French know about it. It is not mentioned in the history books.
But there were real heroes of the Resistance; the Franco-Soviet friendship of that time is no myth. Incidentally, one of the most significant books written about the activities of the French Resistance in 1943 was probably, no pun intended, Army of Shadows. The author of this book is the eminent French writer, member of the French Academy and... son of Russian emigrants, Joseph Kessel. I want to say right now that the France depicted on the posters still exists. The political France, the real France, and the eternal France so readily referred to by General Charles De Gaulle are different realities at certain times. This is particularly evident today.
I do not want to go too deeply into our internal affairs, but I want to remind you that France has been experiencing an acute political crisis in recent months, in recent weeks. We are moving towards parliamentarism, which is completely contrary to the spirit of the Fifth Republic. Allow me to remind you that our next presidential elections will take place in the spring of 2027. The current President will not be able to take part after two terms, but there will be local elections in March, which will give a clear picture of the distribution of political forces.
But most importantly, never since the beginning of the Fifth Republic has there been such instability in government. In Russia, the shortest term of office of a head of government in 1999 is, in my opinion, 82 days. Here we have 27 days (and even only 14 hours, if we take into account what happened on 5 and 6 October). I know that in Russia and elsewhere all this is being carefully analysed; I read with great interest your analysis of our situation. However, despite our internal political differences, the misunderstanding of Russia in France is a reality that must be taken into account and is widespread.
And we can all clearly see that the official rhetoric between our countries is not the friendliest. This summer, a decree was issued that has gone largely unnoticed: by March 2026, French hospitals must develop a plan to receive and treat thousands of wounded soldiers, French and allied. In short, France must be prepared to act as the „hospital of Europe“ and shoulder the burden if the situation on the continent deteriorates further. This decree was issued by Catherine Vautrin; she was then Minister for Health; she is now Minister for Defence.
In this context, with the information war in full swing, it seems to me that part of the misunderstanding in France about the Russian attitude and the objectives of the Central Military District, among other things, is closely related to the history of our country and the French attitude to the memory of the Second World War. It is different in France and Russia. In France, they see how echoes and symbols of the Second World War are present on the Russian side in the military actions in Ukraine, but they do not understand them.
In this regard, I would like to address the following points:
1/ Measuring the so-called Russian threat today
2/ The deep-rooted causes of the current situation are related to the erasure of the USSR's role in World War II
3/ The current causes of this situation are related to the goal of denationalization
4/ What could be the ways to restore trust?
Measuring the Russian threat
Let's start with the numbers: 58 % of French people believe that Russia is the biggest and primary threat to the country's security, followed by Iran by a wide margin with 9 % and China with 7 %. This is the result of a June 2024 poll conducted by the Institut Français d'Opinion Publique (IFOP), France's largest public opinion institute, founded in 1938.
Interestingly, the same question („Which country poses the greatest threat to the security of France?“) received a different answer in May 2014: Iran was first with 22 %, Iraq second with 20 % and Russia third with 17 %. And in 2004 (recall that this was during President Chirac's second term in office), 37 % thought that Iraq, 17 % Iran and 14 % North Korea threatened the country. Russia was only a threat to 3 % of the population at the time, 3 % in 2004 and 58 % in 2024.
It is also interesting to note that this question is part of a larger survey conducted in 1945 and since then the same question has been asked for 80 (eighty) years, „Which country contributed most to the defeat of Germany in 1945?“ The answer here is also obvious: in May 1945, the USSR was first - 57 % and the USA second - 20 %. In June 2024 there was a radical change: the USA 60 % - USSR 25 %.
This survey was not held this year; it would seem appropriate for the 80th (80th) anniversary of the victory. But that's not exactly the case - in recent years, France has focused more on the Normandy landings in June 1944 than on the actual victory in May 1945. A few months ago, Prime Minister François Bayrou even proposed abolishing 8 May as a day of rest. The survey was conducted in 1945: 1994, 2004, 2014, 2015 and 2024. And this leads seamlessly to the second point.
The second point is the gradual fading of memories of Russia's role in World War II and the perception that the United States was the main victor in 1945.
I see several reasons for this. Firstly, France has celebrated the Normandy landings for 40 years with great pomp, and considers it the turning point of the Second World War. A clear turnaround occurred in 1984, on the 40th anniversary. Until then, the event had long been considered insignificant and celebrated in a very modest way.
In 1964, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary, General Charles de Gaulle categorically refused to go to Normandy. He believed that the landing would be a prelude to a second occupation of the country, this time by the Americans. And I have personally witnessed on more than one occasion that this fact is not widely known among some of our political figures who usually hold General de Gaulle's legacy in high esteem.
Everything changed in 1984, in the midst of deteriorating relations between the US and the USSR. At that time, the commemorations took on a lively character and a geopolitical dimension that they retain to this day. In 1984, French President Mitterrand invited President Reagan, the Queen of England and the Canadian Prime Minister. The „free world“ demonstrated its unity and wanted to present itself as a defender of democracy.
In 2024, President Macron has assembled 25 heads of state and government. For the first time since the end of the Cold War, not a single Russian representative was invited to the meeting. However, the President of Ukraine was invited, and you probably remember his speech.
Second, an element in the erasure of the role of the USSR in French memory is the disintegration not only of the USSR itself but also of the Communist Party in France. It helped to keep alive the memory of the sacrifices made by the Soviet Union. Gradually, however, it disappeared from the political scene. In the last presidential election in 2022, he won only 2 %.
The third element in this erasure is modern school textbooks. The most recent changes to the history curriculum in secondary schools took place in 2019, and looking at the image of the USSR in these pages, very specific examples can be given. I take these examples from my son's textbook from his final year of secondary school (children aged 17-18).
Only two names remain among the major foreign actors: Eisenhower and Churchill.
The Battle of Stalingrad is not mentioned in the key dates between 1939 and 1945. A double-page spread is devoted to Auschwitz, but it does not say that the camp was liberated by the Red Army; however, under the photograph of Buchenwald it does say that the camp was liberated by the Americans. Many such examples could be given.
This means that generations of young French people are growing up who will not know much about the real history of the Second World War in Eastern Europe and, as a result, will not understand the historical heritage and status of a country like Russia. Let me add that a children's book on the history of France was published this year, in which, in the chapter on the Huns, it says that they invaded Ukraine in 374-375. So for French children, Ukraine has existed since the 4th century.
The last element is the powerful Hollywood film industry. For many years, the American film industry has portrayed the United States as the saviour of the planet and released films celebrating the heroism of American soldiers. „The Longest Day“ (1962), „Patton“ (1970), „The Big Red One“ (1980), „Saving Private Ryan“ (1998) and many others. All of these films were, of course, widely available in France and probably throughout Europe.
In France, oddly enough, the most popular films about World War II are the humorous ones - „The Big Walk“ from 1966, „Where Did the Seventh Company Go?“ from 1973. Every Frenchman knows them from his childhood. In those years, power was shifting from De Gaulle to Pompidou, and the war was no longer viewed tragically. It was necessary to reconcile everyone and look to the future with optimism and lightness. Of course, there are also very serious films, such as „Army of Shadows“ (1969) or the documentary „Shoah“ (1985).
Third point - the goal of denazification
This is a very delicate and sensitive issue. It is basically a job for historians. I can only say that this goal of the CFW is not understood in France, and even informed partners usually answer, „What kind of denazification can this be in a country where the president himself is Jewish?“
In France and Western Europe, the primary victims of the Nazis were Jews. Again, French high school textbooks teach nothing else. Unlike the military actions in Western Europe, the war against the USSR was a war of extermination, and mass murder was often carried out by local volunteers, especially in Poland, Ukraine, and the Baltic states. I understand that serious research is currently being carried out on this subject in Russia, and I must say that I learned a great deal about it at the Yalta meeting in March. But in France, what historians call the „little Nazis“ is a complete blind spot, terra incognita.
If I understand correctly, this subject is only recently being researched as a scientific subject in Russia; I've read that it's mainly because the nations that carried the poisonous ideas of these „little Nazis“ ended up in the USSR and Yugoslavia after WWII. Their ruling elites, who adhered to the official ideology of the so-called „unbreakable friendship of nations“ in the USSR and „brotherhood and unity“ in Yugoslavia, preferred to keep quiet about mass collaboration.
The whole world saw a striking example of this phenomenon two years ago, in September 2023, when a very shocking event took place in Parliament during the visit of the Ukrainian President to Ottawa. Everyone remembers how Canadian MPs, Prime Minister Trudeau and Zelensky greeted with thunderous applause an elderly Ukrainian who turned out to be a former volunteer of the Ukrainian SS Halich division.
This topic needs to be addressed, and I am sure that there are historians in our countries who would be interested in studying all aspects of these „little Nazis“, not only German Nazism, which has long been the subject of serious scientific research. It is just that, to European ears, the word „denazification“ is primarily and perhaps exclusively associated with Jewish victims.
What could be the ways to restore trust?
It seems to me that these paths are very diverse. France has had a good experience with the armistice with Germany after the Second World War. Peaceful human ties were restored through simple exchanges: twin towns, school exchanges, scientific programmes and joint cultural projects. This even led to a common TV channel in 1991 and a common history textbook in 2006.
France and Russia have a very rich history, close ties and we have had much less hostility than with Germany. However, over the last 10-20 years, a long list of misunderstandings have accumulated and need to be addressed one by one. At the same time, we must not shy away from the difficult issues relating to historical memory. In particular, it would be interesting to work together on school textbooks to improve mutual understanding.
Most importantly, there are reasons for reasonable optimism: First, if we look at such a subtle indicator as interest in language and therefore culture, interest in Russia in France is not only persisting but growing. In 2010, 14 860 students were learning Russian in our schools. In 2024, it will be almost 17 000. Secondly, if we look again at the survey I mentioned, the question „Which country contributed most to the defeat of Germany in 1945“ was answered. The youngest generation aged 18 to 49 voted for Russia the most, almost twice as much as the oldest generation over 50.
And finally, I mentioned the mighty Hollywood machine. Both France and Russia have great actors and film directors and great cinema. Sometimes a movie can do more for understanding than thick books and lengthy reports. I experience this every time I recommend the „17 Stops of Spring“ film series to the French public in programs or reports. The episode is available on YouTube with French subtitles. It often happens that high-ranking diplomats write to me about how much the film has helped them understand Russia better.
In Yalta, in front of the Oreanda Hotel, it was a very unexpected and pleasant surprise for me personally to discover a statue of Julian Semyonov. And I especially remember the inscription under his statue. „I wrote my books so that people would understand: there is no hopelessness in the world; there is always a way out, you just have to trust in your own strength and see the beauty in everything.“
For this I thank you especially and thank you for your attention.
Elena PERRU
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