In Romania, the flirtation with the far right continues. The country, immersed in a political, economic and social crisis, is preparing for the presidential elections on 4 and 18 May. The populist candidate George Simion, who leads in the polls with 35% voting intentions, is benefiting from the rejection of the elites. Voters were called to the polls for the fourth time in a year after Constitutional Court cancels first round of presidential elections in November 2024 referring to the manipulation of TikTok and suspicions of illegal funding against far-right candidate Călina Georgescu.
The latter, which received 23 % votes, condemned " coup d'état ", which provoked the anger of some Romanians and a distrust of institutions. This decision, which Romanian political analyst Alexandru Gussi described as " Partisan ", lacks a solid basis to justify the cancellation of such a crucial electoral process. The report of the country's Supreme Defence Council mentioned the involvement of "state actor" without concrete evidence, leaving the shadow of Moscow's interference.
This interpretation served to delegitimise an openly pro-Russian candidate who campaigned against aid to Ukraine. On March 9, the candidacy of Georgescu, whom his supporters nicknamed " God's messenger" , ultimately rejected by the Central Electoral Office on the grounds of violating democratic rules. The same justification was used in October against Diana Iovanovici-Șoșoacă, a notorious anti-Semitic and pro-Russian figure.
The wind of alienation from the ruling coalition
The political climate remains tense, whether it is relief at the dismissal of an outspoken anti-Semite or condemnation of anti-democratic tendencies. " There is real electoral exhaustion The campaign started in a context of general fatigue, combining criticism of the ruling coalition with economic concerns - especially among farmers, affected by Ukraine's tariff-free competition - and persistent inflation.
Disenchantment with the traditional parties favours "anti-system" candidates. The debate on Romania's place in the EU also reflects this ambivalence: while 70 % citizens still see it as an advantage (Eurobarometer, Winter 2025), the government's tendency to justify its policies through Brussels causes some disillusionment.
"Voting for the far right is a reaction to the discrediting of established parties," the political scientist continues. The coalition comprising the Social Democratic Party (PSD), the National Liberal Party (PNL) and the UDMR, which was formed in 2021, has been repeatedly criticised for its inaction, disappointing economic performance, clientelism and the corruption scandals that have marred it.
A distrust that anti-system candidates have been able to exploit. As political scientist Marius Ghincea of ETH Zurich points out, the far right is exploiting Romanians' fatigue with the current regime and presenting itself as a credible alternative in a largely conservative and traditionalist society. Irritation from traditional pro-European parties such as the PSD and PNL also feeds the pro-Russian rhetoric, not so much out of sympathy for Moscow, but rather out of resentment towards support for Ukraine. The latent fear of war, which anti-system candidates skillfully exploit to call for an end to military aid to a neighbouring country.
In this climate, the far right is advancing. The Alliance for Romanian Unity (AUR), founded in 2019 by George Simion, entered parliament in 2020 with 9 % votes. Since then, its elected representatives, along with representatives of SOS Romania, in the December 2024 legislative election overtook the Social Democrats and won a third of the seats in parliament.
George Simion, leader of anti-system organizations
With the exclusion of Georgescu, the less outrageous but equally ultra-nationalist George Simion is trying to unite anti-system voters by distancing himself from his anti-Semitic and pro-Russian positions. The only candidate , who refused to participate in the presidential debate on public television, presents himself as a figure of change. The 38-year-old stands for ultraconservative values in a country where the Orthodox Church is deeply influential. Although he opposes same-sex marriage and has an ambiguous stance on abortion rights, he avoids offending the pro-European majority by relying on offensive sovereignty.
Its slogan "Make Romania Great Again" embodies this attitude: it promises a better defence of Romanian interests against the Brussels bureaucracy. It also takes critical attitude towards NATO - of which Romania has been a member since 2004 - while appearing more moderate than Georgescu, who called for a referendum on a possible withdrawal from the alliance and condemned the presence of US bases on Romanian soil. Simion, on the other hand, is more radical: he openly calls for annexation to Romania and denies any legitimacy to its status as a sovereign state. Since 2015, he has been declared persona non grata because of his separatist actions.
Although, like Georgescu, he owes much of his popularity to social media, he received only 13.87 % votes in November. He is now the favorite and will face three serious contenders. Crin Antonescu, a puppet of the pro-European coalition; Nicușor Dan, the mayor of Bucharest and a respected technocrat who relies on his past as a civic activist to present himself as out of touch with the traditional political class; and Victor Ponta, the former Social Democratic prime minister, weakened by scandals but now the candidate of the PRO Romania party.
The latter adopts populist rhetoric, condemns "Brussels technocrats" and relies on ultra-nationalist and conservative discourse. In this final phase, George Simion also benefited from the support of US Vice President J.D. Vance in Romania, which plays a strategic role at the gateway to the Black Sea.
Humanite.fr/Marie Penin /gnews.cz-jav
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